-40%

Statesmen of the Lost Cause + Statesmen and Soldiers of the Civil War

$ 6.33

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    Description

    Statesmen of
    The Lost Cause
    Jefferson Davis and His Cabinet
    By Burton J. Hendrick,
    1939
    452 pages, Illustrated, Indexed, Searchable
    - Bonus -
    Statesmen and Soldiers
    Of The Civil War
    A Study of the Conduct of the War
    By Major General Sir Frederik Maurice, 1926
    173 pages, Indexed, Searchable
    ************************************************************************
    Digital
    CD
    Requires Adobe Reader 7 or higher to View, or MAC Access
    Autoboot Menu for Easy PC Access; Manually Open Files on MAC
    *********************************************************************
    Why, according to Mr. Hendrick, did the Confederacy fail? He gives two chief reasons. First, the South had no statesmen in prominent
    positions comparable to the leaders which it gave the nation in the periods of the Revolution and the forming of the Constitution.
    Second, the Confederacy was "founded on a principle that made impossible the orderly conduct of public affairs."
    Whatever the qualities of statesmanship of Southern leaders during the Civil War, it is certain there was no one personality
    in the civil branch of the Confederacy which inspired confidence and secured the undivided allegiance of colleagues, subordinates,
    and the masses of the people. Those Southerners today who are offended by criticism of Jefferson Davis have little in common with
    Southerners of the 1860's who, following the example of Vice-President Alexander II. Stephens, Robert Toombs, and other
    prominent Confederates, spoke of Davis as "weak and imbecile," "vacillating, petulant, and obstinate," and "that scoundrel Jeff Davis";
    or who, like Governors Brown and Vance, nullified conscription, refused to cooperate in furnishing supplies, and in their efforts
    generally defeated all tendencies toward a unified command. States that had the right to secede from the Union also asserted the
    right to act independently, to act with the Confederacy or against it, as they saw fit
    .
    STATESMEN AND SOLDIERS OF THE CIVIL WAR
    PREFACE THESE studies of the relations which existed between statesmen and soldiers during the course of a prolonged war were
    delivered as the Lees-Knowles Lectures for 1925-26 at Trinity College, Cambridge. The idea from which these lectures originated had
    its germ in a conversation with Lord Kitchener in 1915. Not long after I had joined the headquarters of our Army in France, Lord
    Kitchener paid his first visit to Sir John French’s G. H. Q., then at St. Omer. Early on the morning after Lord Kitchener’s arrival I was
    walking up to the General Staff Office when I saw a tall figure, conspicuous in the blue undress uniform of a field marshal the rest of us
    were all in khaki, coming up the hill from Sir John French’s house. I stopped and saluted. Ah, said Lord Kitchener, I was just coming up
    to see how you run your office. Well, sir, we try to make it as little like the War Office as possible. An admirable ideal how do you do
    it The practice in the War Office used to be, when a question came up, to collect the largest possible number of opinions about it from
    everyone who had even the remotest concern - with the question, before any attempt was made to arrive at a decision. Here we try to
    get the question straight to the man who can decide and to get him to do so.
    vi PREFACE Ah, came the answer, if only we had thought of organizing our Government for war I knew then nothing of the discussions
    and controversies which had arisen around the inception of the Dardanelles campaign. But later, when I came in contact with the various
    attempts made to organize our Government for war, and later still when I read the reports of the Commissions of Enquiry into the Dardanelle
    s and Mesopotamia campaigns, I often recalled Lord Kitchener’s words. Before the war I had thought and read about the organization of
    armies for war, never about the organization of Governments. During the war, when I was asked to think of this, thought was necessarily hurried.
    Since the war there has been more time for study and reflection and the invitation to give the Lees-Knowles Lectures gave me an occasion
    for putting the results of reflection into shape. My historical studies are therefore frankly and unashamedly objective. I had long been
    dissatisfied that the judgments of Lord Wolseley and of Colonel F. R. Henderson upon Lincoln’s conduct of the war, written by the former
    on incomplete information, and by the latter in a study of one part only of the American Civil War, should stand as the British military criticism
    of a great statesman. When I studied again, in the light of my own experience in the Great War, the relations between Lincoln and McClellan
    and between Lincoln and Grant I became more than ever convinced that if, PREFACE vii instead of holding up Lincolns actions in May 1862
    as an example of how not to interfere with soldiers, we had made a closer study of the workings of his mind and of the processes by which
    he evolved a system for the conduct of war, we should have saved ourselves much painful labor in the Great War. That is one reason why
    I chose the story of the American Civil War as a platform from which to expound my theories the other I give in the first lecture. The
    lectures are presented as they were delivered with a few minor alterations and with the addition of the notes and references and some
    rearrangement of the last two.
    Just insert the CD into your Windows computer and use the menu to open your book(s), and to download the
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    €™t forget to also open the pictures/maps a
    nd audio files.
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